Taiwan Today

One of the most constructive international visitations of all 1967 was that of Defense Minister Chiang Ching-kuo to Japan for the last four days of November and the first two days of December. The elder son of President Chiang Kai-shek made the trip as the specially invited guest of Prime Minister Eisaku Sato and was received by Emperor Hirohito at a time when Japanese trade with the Chinese Communists was declining from the high of 1966. Clearly, the Japanese were saying that man does not live by trade alone, and that if Peiping wants to retaliate with a trade suspension (as it had twice in the past), Japan will survive. The Japanese were also telling Peiping—in Sato's visit to Taipei as well as Chiang's to Tokyo—that eco­nomics aside, they remain politically foursquare on the side of the Chinese freedom and democracy represented by the Republic of China.

At least in part, this was a return of bread cast upon the waters by President Chiang 22 years ago. China suffered more grievously than any other country when the Japanese militarists embarked upon their career of Asian aggression in the 1930s and 1940s. Yet there was no bitterness in the heart of the leader who had led China to victory in eight years of cruel and costly warfare. He knew that insistence upon revenge would only delay the healing of war's wounds and that China and Japan had to live together as friends in the cause of regional peace and security. Japanese forces were repatriated promptly and without reprisal. China did not even demand indemnities. The Japanese have not forgotten such a generous victor.

Even before Defense Minister Chiang's departure for Tokyo, Dr. Chen Chih-mai, the Chinese ambassador to Japan, said it would be an important new contribution to Sino-Japanese friendship. The China Daily News maintained the visit would have an im­portant impact on Japanese public opinion and especially on the thinking of the younger generation. The China News said that in a sense Minister Chiang could be considered as the representative of his father, then added:

"This is not a visit from which important agree­ments are to be expected. Rather, it is a message addressed to Peiping, a message which says that no machinations of the Chinese Communists can disrupt the political relationship between Japan and the Re­public of China. Peiping was enraged by Prime Minis­ter Sato's invitation to Chiang Ching-kuo. The Maoists have announced their displeasure in every way they could think of. They even compelled pro-Communist Japanese traders to postpone their trip to Peiping to negotiate a new unofficial trade pact.

"The Sato government has become increasingly wary of the Chinese Communists. There are three im­portant reasons for this. First, Japanese are deeply disturbed by Peiping's nuclear tests and determined to stockpile nuclear weapons and develop the means of delivery. Second, the mainland turmoil of the 'great proletarian cultural revolution' has revealed the insta­bility of the whole Chinese Communist system and has implied the imminent collapse of Maoism. Third, the quiet diplomacy and the correct conduct and domestic successes of the Republic of China have had an im­portant influence on the attitude of the Japanese gov­ernment and people. The Japanese are no longer so dubious about counterattack and national recovery from Taiwan.

"Any monkey wrenches that Minister Chiang can throw into the gears of Tokyo-Peiping trade eventually will turn out to be in the Japanese interest. Japan has many potential trading partners throughout the world, including the growing market of Taiwan. There is only one partner–Peiping—that hopes to use trade to de­stroy Japan's friendship with free China and then move into the Japanese islands to infiltrate, subvert, and eventually turn Asia's principal industrial nation into a pawn of Red Chinese intentions to conquer the world."

Minister Chiang left for Tokyo the morning of November 27 by chartered China Air Lines' Boeing 727 jet. Accompanying him was a party of eight: Sampson C. Shen, vice minister of foreign affairs; Hsieh Tung-min, speaker of the Taiwan Provincial Assembly; Dr. C.Y. Stone, president of the Law College of Soochow University; Chen Mien-siu, board chairman of the Bank of Taiwan; Dr. Tsiang Yien-si, vice chair­man of the Science Development Commission of the National Security Council; Lt. Gen. Tang Chun-po, chief of research and development of the Ministry of National Defense; Lt. Gen. Yu Hao-chang, comman­dant of the Chinese Marine Corps; and Chou Lung-chi, Ministry of Foreign Affairs secretary.

At Haneda international airport to greet Minister Chiang were Japanese Foreign Minister Takeo Miki and Chinese Ambassador to Japan Chen Chih-mai. More than 2,000 Japanese and overseas Chinese cheer­ed as a 19-gun salute reverberated across Tokyo Bay. Although leftist demonstrations had been feared and security precautions were tight, only some 200 Com­munists and leftists showed up. What noise they could make was drowned out by the warm welcome.

Minister Chiang's arrival statement said that Japan and the Republic of China share the responsibility for preserving the peace and freedom of Asia. "I believe I will benefit very much from the frank exchange of views with Japanese leaders during my stay in this country," he said. "I am here to see and study the rapid progress made by Japan and hope to use the data in my own country's reconstruction."

Chinese Communism is the principal threat to free Asia, he continued, and the anti-Communist struggle of the Republic of China is not only for its own interest but also in the cause of world freedom and democracy. The Peiping regime is tottering, he said, and "It is our firm belief that we are going to wipe out the tyrannical rule on the Chinese mainland in the near future, creat­ing a new era for our national rehabilitation and at the same time eliminating the source of trouble in Asia".

The Defense Minister and his party were taken to the Japanese government's guest house. A few minutes later, he departed for official calls on Prime Minister Sato and Foreign Minister Takeo Miki. Min­ister Chiang delivered to Prime Minister Sato a personal letter from President Chiang. The two then had a lengthy discussion about the Asian situation. The Prime Minister reported on his Washington talks with President Johnson. He told Minister Chiang that Japan hopes for the return of the Ryukyus islands within three years and that Japanese possession of Okinawa involves the security of both Japan and the Far East. The Republic of China has unofficially cautioned against any premature departure of the United States from the Ryukyus. Okinawa is an important American base and a part of the Taiwan defense complex.

The Japanese press of both November 27 and 28 gave the visit top play. Pictures and extensive coverage were carried by the big three of Japanese journalism: Asahi, Yomiuri and Mainichi. The English-language Japan Times had a front-page picture. A four-page special section appeared in the English-language Asahi Evening News. Radio and television coverage also was intensive.

Minister Chiang was the guest of honor at a No­vember 28 luncheon given by Kaneshichi Masuda, director of the Japanese self-defense agency. State Minister Masuda said Japan will never forget President Chiang's appeal to the Chinese people to answer Japan's violence with kindness and his actions to prevent Rus­sian troops from occupying Hokkaido. Chiang Ching­-kuo recalled that when he went to Shengyang and Changchun to witness withdrawal of Japanese from the Northeastern Provinces, his father told him to treat the Japanese as his brothers and to take particular care of women and children. Meeting with Mitsujiro Ishii, the speaker of the Japanese lower house, Minister Chiang recalled Dr. Sun Yat-sen's insistence on a greater Asia based on friendship between China and Japan. He also called on Yuzo Shigemuno, president of the House of Councilors.

In the afternoon, Emperor Hirohito received Min­ister Chiang, five members of his party and Ambassador Chen in an audience that lasted nearly an hour. The Emperor talked with the Defense Minister for 20 minutes and inquired about the health of President Chiang. He said that he would always treasure the memory of President Chiang's forgiveness at the end of World War II. He wanted to know about the pro­gress of Taiwan and stressed the permanence of Sino­-Japanese friendship. Minister Chiang conveyed to the Emperor a personal letter from President Chiang.

Prime Minister Sato gave a state dinner in Minister Chiang's honor that evening. In his response to the host's remarks, Minister Chiang recalled that Dr. Sun Yat-sen had said China and Japan are brothers, then added: "It is my belief that China and Japan, with their long historic relationship and friendship, will play a decisive role in solving Asian problems and also con­tribute to world peace through their close cooperation."

Some 500 Chinese businessmen and overseas res­idents of Tokyo and Yokohama extended their respects to Minister Chiang at a luncheon on the 29th. Lin Yi-wen, president of the Federation of Chinese Over­seas Associations in Japan, contrasted the peace and prosperity that President Chiang has brought to Taiwan with the chaos and confusion that the Communists have created on the Chinese mainland. Other speakers were Chen Chen-chi, the president of the Chinese Overseas Association of Tokyo; Hsieh Peng-wei, president of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce of Japan; and Hsieh Lai-hung, president of the Chinese Overseas Associa­tion of Yokohama. Chen Chen-chi said he was born in Taiwan and educated in Japan, had not learned to speak the Mandarin dialect, and had stayed up all the preceding night to practice his speech. Minister Chiang responded that while China was big and had many dialects, "We all belong to one family and are all de­scended from one great ancestor."

Taiwan's present mission is more sacred and important than that of Chungking in the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Defense Minister said. The flag of blue sky and white sun still flies over the island province, he declared, and will be returned to the main­land. He conveyed the regards of President Chiang and said that although his father is 80 years old, he is as healthy and energetic as a man of 50.

One of Minister Chiang's most important meetings with the press took place on the 29th. Answering ques­tions freely, he made these points:

—Forces of the Republic of China have been carrying out a guerrilla offensive against the Mao Tse­-tung regime for some time and will intensify the attack.

—Japan should take a stronger stand against the Chinese Communists.

—At President Chiang's behest, the Chinese treated the 2,100,000 Japanese in China at the end of the war as brothers rather than prisoners.

—Japan's trade with Peiping is dangerous for the Japanese and should not be carried out under the guise of separating politics from economics.

—Mao is developing nuclear weapons for pur­poses of political blackmail.

—Rumors of a possible reconciliation between Tai­pei and Peiping were "deliberately invented by the Communists and their fellow-travelers with a view to alienating the relations between my country and the free nations."

—Progress on Taiwan is the Republic of China's answer to the tyranny and hell of the mainland.

—Taipei and Washington stand united against Communist aggression and in determination to achieve a peaceful world order

—Peiping has turned Vietnam into a "people's war" but dares not intervene directly because of the power struggle and turmoil on the mainland.

—Peiping-Moscow conflict shows the bankruptcy of the whole international Communist system.

Minister Chiang had prepared for Japanese re­porters a booklet that he called "If Winter Comes, Can Spring Be Far Behind?" He wrote that Japan has be­come a focal point of world attention because "the Japanese people have created a new Japanese spirit through their steadfast efforts and perseverance. They have not surrendered to disillusion and discouragement. Instead, they have disciplined and fortified themselves. Within a brief period of time, they have built a new nation...

"I am wholly convinced that increased friendship between our two countries will contribute to the increased strength of the world and serve the cause of peace. This is my sincere conviction as I come to Japan at this time. Recent contacts have led me to believe in the good faith of my Japanese friends. I am deeply confident that the friendship between China and Japan will become closer than ever."

Marxist theory has already shown its bankruptcy, the Minister said, and the Communists have had to scrap any smallest degree of idealism and rule with tyranny that has reached unprecedent proportions on the Chinese mainland. Now, however, "The hearts of the mainland people have exploded like the crater of a volcano." After analyzing the mainland struggle of "power seizure", Minister Chiang said the recent re­deployment of forces indicates that "serious problems exist in the Red armed forces" and the "available mobile force has been sharply reduced".

Minister Chiang said that on Taiwan the Republic of China has implemented the principles of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's San Min Chu I (Three Principles of the Peo­ple), which were "nurtured in the soil of traditional Chinese culture and accord with the Chinese way of life and the preferences of the people". He said Taiwan will serve as the model for the reconstruction of the main­land.

"Many friends have harbored a doubt that the mainland can be recovered from Taiwan," he wrote in his "Letter to My Friends of the Press in Tokyo". "Comparing the sizes of population and armed forces, they suggest it would be exceedingly difficult for us to overthrow the Communist regime. However, the strength of a revolutionary movement to overthrow the despotic rule of a nation cannot be evaluated solely on a basis of superficial statistics. Instances of victory by the outnumbered are to be found throughout history."

Counterattack actually was launched long ago, the Minister continued. "Anti-Mao and anti-Communist tinder has been planted everywhere on the mainland. A powerful anti-Communist movement will emerge as soon as we have ignited this tinder. Our revolutionary comrades are to be found in the rank and file of the Red armed forces that Mao Tse-tung and Lin Piao sup­posedly control so tightly...

"President Chiang Kai-shek has told the nation that the sacred war of anti-Communist revolution is '70 per cent politics and 30 per cent military strength'. He told us that we first should launch a political counter­-attack and prepare the environment for revolution. After that we could use our armed forces to annihilate the enemy at one stroke. I can tell you that our political counterattack is proceeding in full accord with our schedule.

"The Chinese are basically opposed to Commu­nism because Communism is exotic and despotic. The rural community, the family system, the concept of brotherly relationships and the customary and tradi­tional preference for a peaceful life scarcely meet the precise conditions of Marxist revolution. The Chinese desire a peaceful and prosperous livelihood and detest the necessity of struggle day after day and night after night. The ideal of the Chinese way of life is to make everybody rich and not to impoverish the population in the manner of Mao Tse-tung. We are sober of mind and know this very well. Mao Tse-tung, who seized power with the 'gun-barrel', does not understand this. Consequently, he has been confronted with insurmount­able difficulties. We of China see ourselves and the enemy quite clearly. It is said that 'One can win every battle if he knows himself as well as the enemy'. In war, the validity of this aphorism is beyond question. Supported by knowledge of ourselves, we are supremely confident we can overthrow the Chinese Communist re­gime, recover our lost land and establish a new China of freedom and democracy based on San Min Chu I. When this movement comes, a fourth of the people of the world will be delivered from slavery and hunger. The problems of Vietnam and Korea will be solved and turmoil ended elsewhere. With the source of evil removed, no such threat to the world will occur again."

Minister Chiang's busy day also included visits to the Nissan auto plant at Yokohama and the Toshiba electronics factory in Tokyo. In the evening he was the honored guest at a dinner given by Lower House Speaker Mitsujiro Ishii.

Three Japanese institutions concerned with Chi­nese affairs were joint hosts at luncheon on the 30th. Minister Chiang told members that Sino-Japanese friendship is as important to the next generation as to this one. He said he was deeply impressed by Japan's economic prosperity, but that in the long run, the pre­servation of a high standard of Japanese living depends upon the existence of a free and peaceful China. More than 700 persons attended Ambassador Chen's recep­tion for Minister Chiang in the evening. This was the last event on the Tokyo schedule. Prime Minister Sato, who rarely attends embassy receptions, was on hand to honor Minister Chiang and to bid him farewell.

Before December 1 departure for the Kansai area (Osaka, Kyoto and Kobe), Minister Chiang received from Emperor Hirohito the gift of a vase and an au­tographed photograph. He met with Japanese and overseas Chinese leaders of the three cities as well as of the industrial city of Nagoya. He told Chinese students studying at Kansai schools that free youth will prevail in determining the future of the Chinese main­land. He also recalled Chu Shun-shui, the Chinese scholar who died in Japan at the end of the Ming dynasty. Chu expanded Confucianist influence in Japan and his teaching had influence for the Meiji Restoration.

Departure from Japan was on the morning of De­cember 2, again via CAL. Osaka's top officials and civic leaders were at the airport to see him off. The return-home greeting in Taipei was large and effusive. Ranking government officials and military chiefs were on hand at Sungshan airport. Minister Chiang ex­pressed his appreciation to Emperor Hirohito and Prime Minister Sato, and said:

"I especially noted that most of the Japanese people are grateful to President Chiang for his leniency toward their country after World War II. Many farsighted Japanese intellectuals cherish hopes that Sino-Japanese relations will be strengthened further for the common interest and the peace and security of Asia and the world." The overseas Chinese of Japan are overwhelmingly loyal to President Chiang, he added, and are awaiting the government's counterattack and national recovery.

Commenting on the importance of the Defense Minister's trip, the Central Daily News said:

"Minister Chiang's visit to Japan will have a signif­icant influence on the development of the Asian and world situations.

"Japan should have a better understanding of China than any other country. If Japan has more con­fidence in us and sees things in a similar light, we shall be able to cooperative effectively and shoulder the responsibility of terminating Communist aggression and defending the peace of Asia.

"We hope Japan will assume increased responsibility and make more positive contributions in mankind's life-or-death struggle against Communism and for the defense of freedom and democracy.

"If Minister Chiang's visit led in these directions, his is a great contribution to both countries."

The China News said:

"Chiang Ching-kuo's visit to Japan was a message from Tokyo to Peiping. It said that the Japanese es­tablishment remains squarely on the side of the Re­public of China.

"Japan's support is important. The Japanese may be lacking in military power but not in influence. As memories of Japanese militarism recede, that influence is going to increase. Japan already is unchallenged as Asia's industrial leader. Its standard of living is catch­ing up with the West.

"One interesting aspect of the Defense Minister's six-day stay was the inability of the Communists to stir up serious trouble. Peiping wanted massive de­monstrations. However, when the orders went out, the Japanese Communists and student leftists looked the other way.

"In the aftermath of the visits of Minister Chiang and Prime Minister Eisaku Sato, the Republic of China and Japan should undertake day-to-day measures to solidify the understanding and comradeship that has been achieved. Two visits do not make an alliance, and that should still be the Sino-Japanese objective­ - an alliance that would assure Asian peace and prosperi­ty."

Defense Minister Chiang had some comments on the Communists' attempts to hamstring his visit with demonstrations. He said that the supposed members of the "Taiwan Independence League" were profes­sional demonstrators in the pay of the Communists. "They did not know what they were demonstrating about," he said, adding that one of them had telephoned the Chinese Embassy to ask for his pay.

Chiang Ching-kuo is a leader who learned Chinese culture and the political and governmental philosophy of Sun Yat-sen at the feet of his father. He also learned about the Communists through years of fighting them (he is a general in his own right) and from the 12 years he spent in the Soviet Union, most of the time as a virtual prisoner after the break between the Kuo­mintang and the Chinese Communist Party. His views unquestionably had a deep impact on the Japanese leadership and an influence on the thinking of the Japanese people.

The 1967 decline in Japanese trade with the Pei­ping regime is almost sure to be accentuated this year. Some authorities predict a total break. If so, Minister Chiang will be eligible for a large share of the credit.